E 

6S~o    he  Tra/ate     Soldier* 

of    t he  ' 


C  en~fecj/e/-ac 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 


University  of  California. 

GIFT 


Class 


THE   PRIVATE   SOLDIER 
of  the  CON FEDERACY 

JOSEPH  R.  LAMAR 


WITH    AN    INTRODUCTION    BY 

ALBERT    SHAW 


Patriotism  is  but  one  of  the  many  names  of  duty. 

ADDRESS 


BY 


HON.  JOSEPH  R.  LAMAR 

OF 

AUGUSTA,  GEORGIA 

DELIVERED  ON 

MEMORIAL  DAY,  APRIL,  1902 

AT 

ATHENS,  GEORGIA 


NOW  REPRINTED  BY  REQUEST  OF  NEW  YORK  CITY  FRIENDS 
WITH   AN  INTRODUCTION   BY 

ALBERT  SHAW 


1902 


£fo50 


Eagle  Press,  Brooklyn-New  York 


a  •  •    t.         •        • 


ro 


Introduction 


The  address  herewith  published  was  delivered 
at  Athens,  Georgia,  in  April  of  the  present  year, 
1902.  The  day  was  one  set  apart  in  memory 
of  the  soldiers  of  the  Confederacy.  The  occasion 
was  a  memorial  service  held  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Daughters  of  the  Confederacy,  and  the 
speaker  was  a  man  who  bears  a  name  distin- 
guished in  the  annals  of  the  South  and  of  the 
Nation,  who  is  also  himself  eminent  at  the  bar 
of  his  State, — Hon.  Joseph  R.  Lamar,  of  Augusta, 
Georgia.  It  so  happened  that  there  were  present 
at  Athens  a  considerable  number  of  people  from 
other  States  who  were  spending  several  days  at- 
tending the  Conference  on  Southern  Education, 
and  among  these  were  several  scores  of  people 
from  the  Northern  States.  The  Educational  Con- 
ference adjourned  in  recognition  of  Memorial  Day, 
and  many  of  its  members  attended  the  services 
and  heard  Mr.  Lamar's  address.  The  Northern 
visitors   were   especially   impressed, — not   more   by 


228351 


the  rare  felicity  of  its  diction,  the  philosophical 
quality  of  mind  it  displayed,  and  its  thoughtful 
interpretations  of  history,  than  by  its  timely  char- 
acter and  practical  usefulness.  They  felt  that  it 
ought  to  be  printed  for  the  enlightenment  of  the 
North  and  the  incitement  of  the  South.  As  a  con- 
sequence, the  address  appears  in  the  present  form. 

The  surviving  soldiers  on  both  sides  of  the  great 
civil  conflict  of  forty  years  ago  have  long  since 
learned  respect  and  admiration  for  their  brave  op- 
ponents ;  and  the  whole  country  will  in  future  times 
ever  more  deeply  cherish  the  records  and  traditions 
of  American  heroism  as  evinced  in  that  great 
period,  irrespective  of  the  color  of  the  uniform.  Mr. 
Lamar  shows  us  in  this  address  wherein  and  why 
the  common  soldier  of  the  Confederacy  was  so  re- 
markable a  type  of  manhood.  Having  done  this 
in  well-weighed  words  wholly  free  from  rhetorical 
exaggeration,  Mr.  Lamar  proceeds  to  show  that 
his  purpose  is  not  that  of  a  mere  eulogy.  He 
has  analyzed  the  quality  of  American  heroism 
as  typified  in  the  common  soldier  of  the  Confed- 
eracy in  order  to    ask  and    answer   the    question, 


What  now  belongs  to  the  part  that  should  be  played 
by  the  successors  of  those  men  of  the  sixties,  who 
would  wish  to  be  equally  true  to  the  demands  of 
patriotism  ? 

His  spirit  in  dealing  with  this  question  is  well  ex- 
pressed in  his  motto,  "  Patriotism  is  but  one  of  the 
many  names  of  duty."  Whereupon,  he  takes  up 
courageously  the  race  question  of  the  South,  and 
every  word  he  utters  is  a  golden  word  of  wisdom. 
It  is  not  that  within  the  compass  of  this  brief 
address  Mr.  Lamar  could  develop  his  ideas  in 
detail.  But  he  views  the  race  question  seriously 
yet  without  pessimism,  and  in  its  true  perspective. 
He  is  philosopher  enough  to  see  that  there  has 
been  remarkable  progress  in  the  adjustment  of 
relations  between  the  races  since  emancipation,  in 
view  of  the  shortness  of  the  period  that  has  elapsed ; 
and  he  touches  the  very  root  of  remedial  policy  when 
he  points  out  the  duty  of  the  South  to  improve  the 
status  of  the  negro  race  on  the  agricultural  and  in- 
dustrial side  as  preliminary  to  the  ultimate  success 
of  universal  education  and  effective  school  training. 
He  would  have  the  Southern  landowner  take  pride 


in  being  a  good  landlord,  and  would  have  him 
render  his  negro  tenantry  the  best  and  kindest  ser- 
vice by  enforcing  upon  it  the  proper  cultivation  of 
the  soil.  To  approach  our  great  problems  of  Ameri- 
can life  and  society, — whether  Northern  or  South- 
ern, Eastern  or  Western,  urban  or  rural, — in  the 
light  of  patriotic  duty,  and  in  the  broad-minded 
spirit  of  this  address  of  Mr.  Lamar's,  is  to  do  our 
share  toward  the  fulfillment  of  a  true  national 
destiny. 

ALBERT  SHAW. 


The  Private  Soldier  of  the 
Confederacy. 


Members  of  the  Memorial  Association,  Confederate 
Survivors,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  : 

11  It  is  an  irrepressible  conflict" 
"  It  is  an  indestructible  union  of  indestruc- 
tible States."  The  saying  of  Seward  was 
prophecy;  that  of  Chase,  history.  In  these 
two  phrases  are  compressed  the  cause  and 
the  result  of  the  War. 

There  is  nothing  more  exact  than  the 
movement  of  time ;  yet  nothing  is  more 
misleading  than  to  measure  the  progress  of  a 
people  by  the  flight  of  years.  In  the  twenty 
centuries  between  Abraham  and  Christ, 
the  human  race  stood  still ;  in  the  forty 
years  between  the  War  and  this  hour,  rev- 
olutions,   social    and    industrial,    have    so 


crowded  one  upon  another  that  the  mind 
is  staggered  in  its  effort  to  comprehend  the 
marvelous  changes  which  have  been  made. 
It  is  an  anomaly  that  the  nation  is  further 
advanced  than  the  individuals  who  compose 
it.  The  body  politic  lives  in  the  wholly 
modern  atmosphere  created  by  these  revo- 
lutions, but  the  individual  retains  the  im- 
press received  in  his  youth.  While,  rela- 
tively speaking,  we  are  further  from  the 
War  than  our  ancestors  had  come  since 
Columbus,  yet  the  struggle  of  i860  sur- 
vives in  our  memories  to-day  as  the  great 
and  distinct  event  of  our  life. 

Before  me  are  those  who  fought  and 
suffered  in  that  Titanic  contest ;  with  them 
sit  their  children,  and  nearby  their  grand- 
children. In  these  three  generations  there 
must,  of  necessity,  be  differences  in  the 
points  of  view.  While  it  is  asking  too 
much  to  think  that  those  who  took  part  in 


the  conflict  can  view  it  from  the  placid  seat 
of  impersonal  criticism,  yet  never  before 
have  the  actors  in  a  great  and  bloody 
drama  so  speedily  approached  the  plane 
from  which  calm  and  dispassionate  judg- 
ment may  be  pronounced  upon  the  tre- 
mendous events  in  which  they  participated. 
War  at  the  best  is  a  horror.  Civil  War  is 
a  hell.  But  even  Civil  War  comes  finally 
to  be  judged  at  the  bar  of  History,  and  the 
passions  and  resentments  of  even  such  a 
strife  yield  finally  to  the  touch  of  time. 
Every  true  American  must  long  for  the 
day  when  the  man  of  the  North  and  the 
man  of  the  South  can  sit  down  together, 
and  in  frankness  and  candor,  discuss  this 
stupendous  event  in  our  history. 

We  come  of  a  blood  that  is  not  ignorant 
of  civil  strife.  The  Wars  of  the  Roses 
rent  and  tore  the  vitals  of  English  society 
for  fifty  years,  but  rare  indeed  is  the  man 


in  that  cultured  country  who  can  even  tell 
the  names  of  those  who  wore  the  blossom 
of  York,  or  those  who  fought  for  the  flower 
of  Lancaster.  All  its  bitterness,  its  hate, 
its  cruelty,  have  vanished  with  the  vanish- 
ing years.  It  is  now  poetry,  and  the  story 
is  known  almost  exclusively  from  the  pages 
of  the  great  Dramatist. 

The  Civil  War  in  which  Cromwell  and 
Charles  waged  a  sanguinary  struggle  is 
history,  and  judged  as  any  other  historical 
event.  The  veriest  English  Tory,  the 
most  radical  non-conformist,  is  able  dispas- 
sionately to  consider  the  claims  of  Crom- 
well as  leader, — the  folly  of  Charles  as 
King.  Every  act  of  valor,  every  heroic 
charge,  every  sacrifice  in  that  struggle  has 
been  gathered  into  the  casket  of  England's 
jewels.  Liberal  and  Conservative  alike 
honor  the  historic  names,  whether  Whig 
or  Tory,  Cavalier  or  Roundhead. 


Long  before  a  half  century  had  passed 
it  was  possible  for  an  American  and  a 
Briton  to  discuss  in  kindliness  and  frank- 
ness the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the 
Stamp  Act,  Valley  Forge  and  Yorktown, — 
the  Mother  Country  glorying  in  our  Wash- 
ington and  claiming  her  full  share  of  the 
honor  reflected  by  our  Continental  troops. 

And  I  think  the  day  has  come  in  which 
we,  too,  whether  from  the  North  or  from 
the  South,  may  begin  to  view  our  War  as 
the  treasury  of  American  manhood,  as  a 
mine  in  which  can  be  found  priceless  and 
inexhaustible  stores,  illustrating  the  hero- 
ism of  the  American  people,  and  shedding 
resplendent  honor  upon  the  Nation.  Can 
we  not  in  that  spirit  observe  this  day,  and 
from  the  vista  of  forty  years  study  "The 
Private  Soldier  of  the  Confederacy"  and 
appropriate  to  ourselves  the  lesson  he 
teaches  ? 


It  is  one  of  the  tricks  of  language  to  re- 
verse the  standard  of  age.  We  call  the 
early  years  of  a  people  old,  while  the  early 
years  of  a  man  are  his  youth.  We  speak 
of  that  as  the  old  South,  and  of  this  as  the 
new  South ;  and  yet,  in  reality,  it  was  the 
young  South  that  entered  the  War.  It  was 
the  young  North  wTith  which  she  grappled. 
Not  half  the  land  had  been  cleared ;  the 
forests  were  untouched;  the  railroads  had 
only  begun  their  transforming  work ;  we 
had  not  ceased  to  indulge  in  hilarious  re- 
joicing as  each  Fourth  of  July  reminded  us 
of  our  recent  birth  as  a  Nation ;  we  still 
writhed  under  the  criticism  and  irony  of  for- 
eign travelers  recounting  our  crudities ;  the 
exuberance  of  youth  manifested  itself  in  all 
we  did  and  said,  and  in  nothing  more  than 
in  the  fact  that  "this  conflict  was  irrepress- 
ible." Had  we  been  older  in  wisdom  and 
experience  ;  had  we  known  what  War  was 


and  its  cost;  had  we  known  the  price  of 
even  victory;  had  we  ever  imagined  the 
bitterness  of  defeat, — the  War  would  not 
have  been.  Both  sides  would  have  en- 
deavored to  find  some  honorable  escape 
from  a  struggle  so  colossal. 

But  America  came  of  age  when  Sum- 
ter's gun  was  fired.  That  brought  us  to 
our  majority — to  a  sudden  realization  of 
the  burdens  and  responsibilities  of  organ- 
ized society.  Till  then,  we  had  known 
only  the  blessings  of  a  prosperous  and 
peaceful  democracy,  removed  from  the  strife 
and  dangers  encompassing  all  other  civi- 
lized States.  War  has  been  the  greatest 
factor  in  History.  Every  people  has  felt 
the  hand  of  the  invader.  Upon  every  land 
conquering  hosts  have  marched.  And  the 
suffering,  the  passion,  the  victory,  the  de- 
feat, have  entered  into  the  very  bone  and 
sinew  of  the  human  family.       Until    i860, 


/ 


we  knew  nothing  of  it.  Peace  or  victory 
had  been  our  only  portion — the  Indian 
Wars,  the  Revolutionary  War,  that  of 
1812,  and  that  with  Mexico,  were  mere 
skirmishes  in  which  individual  prowess  had 
manifested  itself,  and  where  the  victories 
which  crowned  our  arms  had  but  served  to 
intensify  our  self-confidence.  They  left 
neither  scar  nor  burden ;  they  had  not  taxed 
our  power,  but  only  fed  our  pride. 

Every  other  people  had  paid  the  cost  and 
felt  the  agony  of  War.  To  most  of  the 
tribes  of  men  it  had  been  almost  a  thing 
of  course  to  live  in  sound  and  sight  of  bat- 
tle; from  cradle  to  grave  to  witness  smok- 
ing ruins,  and  see  the  desolation  which  lies 
in  the  wake  of  armies.  Even  yet,  the  North 
knows  nothing  of  the  real  horrors  of  War. 
It  has  countless  millions  living  in  a  bound- 
less prosperity  who  have  never  thrilled  at 
the  deep  roar  of  cannon  threatening  their 


homes;  its  highways  have  never  trembled 
with  the  tread  of  martial  hosts,  except  as 
they  marched  to  the  tune  of  airs  befitting  the 
pomp  and  circumstances  of  victors.  On  this 
Continent  it  is  only  in  the  South  that  the 
sober  and  sombre  effects  of  War  have  been 
felt,  and  worked  their  way  into  the  warp 
and  woof  of  our  life.  But  in  i860  we 
knew  none  of  these  things,  and  men  of  the 
same  blood,  speech  and  religion  girt  them- 
selves for  the  greatest  struggle  of  the  great- 
est age  the  world  has  seen. 

It  was  the  tremendous,  overshadowing 
event  in  our  history.  It  rises  as  a  moun- 
tain out  of  the  plain  of  national  life.  It 
must  ever  be  the  great  historic  fact  among 
us.  It  will  always  be  "  The  "  War,  with- 
out adjective, — without  word  of  explana- 
tion. 

It  will  not  do  simply  to  indulge  in  ex- 
travagances.    Let    us   see  wherein  it  was 


so  great.  The  South  was  purely  agricul- 
tural. She  had  no  manufactories ;  she  had 
no  foundries  ;  she  had  no  mines ;  no  ship- 
yards, no  navy;  no  taste  or  experience  for 
the  sea,  for  no  stories  are  told  of  a  South- 
ern boy  leaving  home  for  a  life  on  the  wave. 
She  had  no  army ;  her  militia  served  only 
as  a  butt  of  ridicule  for  the  pen  of  Long- 
street  and  other  humorists, — and  yet,  within 
weeks,  she  had  organized  a  central  gov- 
ernment, swept  the  seas,  created  an  army  ; 
with  raw  and  untrained  troops  fought  battles 
and  won  victories.  The  nations  of  the 
earth  had  been  training  men  for  centuries. 
Europe  was  one  immense  camp ;  it  had 
standing  armies  ;  it  had  levies  and  reserves  ; 
and  yet  she  had  never  been  able  to  organize 
and  mobilize  so  fast  as  these  untrained 
farmers,  who,  within  ninety  days,  had  fought 
a  series  of  battles  that  amazed  the  soldiers 
of  the  earth.     It  was  no  mere  wild  abandon 

16 


of  enthusiasm.  The  spirit  of  these  men 
was  such  as  not  only  to  carry  them  through 
the  thrill  and  excitement  of  the  charge,  but 
when  reverses  came,  and  defeat  hung  round 
their  banner,  even  greater  heroism  was 
shown.  The  spirit  lasted  not  for  weeks, 
but  for  years,  and  expired  at  last  in  the 
throes  that  come  from  hunger  and  absolute 
exhaustion. 

War  is  the  supremest  test  to  which  a  peo- 
can  be  subjected.  Cruel  it  may  be, — full 
of  suffering  it  must  be.  But  it  tries  as  by 
fire  the  endurance,  the  courage,  the  forti- 
tude, the  self-denial  of  a  nation.  In  no 
spirit  of  boastfulness,  but  with  tears  for  the 
brave  men  who  stood  the  test,  let  us  make 
a  brief  comparison  between  the  great  strug- 
gle upon  this  Continent  and  those  else- 
where. 

Of  the  twenty  decisive  battles  of  the 
world,    four    were    fought    in    the     19th 


Century.  Waterloo  in  1815;  Gettysburg 
in  1863;  Sadowa  in  1866;  Sedan  in  1871. 
Of  all  battles,  Waterloo  is  perhaps  the  most 
famous.  Whole  libraries  have  been  written 
about  it,  and  yet  the  combined  losses  of  the 
English,  Prussian  and  French  armies  in  that 
tremendous  conflict  did  not  exceed  the  losses 
at  Gettysburg,  where  also  70,000  men  were 
engaged  on  both  sides.  Three  years  after 
Gettysburg,  Sadowa  was  fought  between 
the  Austrians  and  Prussians — a  quarter  of 
a  million  men  on  each  side — each  army 
greater  than  the  combined  forces  of  Fed- 
erals and  Confederates  at  Gettysburg,  but 
the  comparative  casualties  were  far,  far  less. 
Five  years  later,  Sedan  was  fought.  The 
size  of  the  armies  was  vastly  greater  than 
at  Gettysburg,  but  again  the  casualties 
were  incomparably  less. 

The  great  wars  of  the  past  were  between 
compact   States,    having  narrow  frontiers, 


easily  patrolled  ;  but  the  Confederacy  faced 
for  a  thousand  miles  on  the  North,  the 
most  prosperous  people  on  earth;  in  the 
rear  was  an  exposed  coast  of  two  thousand 
miles  without  a  ship  for  its  defense;  be- 
tween these  threatening  dangers,  ran,  from 
Richmond  to  New  Orleans,  the  longest 
battle-line  of  the  ages.  The  South  had  a 
population  of  five  million  whites,  and  sum- 
moning them  all  to  a  view  of  what  con- 
fronted her,  one  in  every  five, — not  one  in 
every  five  men,  but  one  in  every  five  of 
men,  women  and  helpless  infants,  devoted 
himself,  his  all  and  his  sacred  honor  to  the 
God  of  Battle.  Those  who  remained  at 
home  were  not  less  consecrated.  They 
stripped  themselves  and  the  lean  land  to 
the  bone — even  to  the  marrow  of  poverty, 
so  that  the  four  years  challenge  the  saying 
that  money  is  the  sinew  of  war,  for,  with- 
out money,  without  credit,  and  solely  by 


the  magic  of  devoted  sacrifice,  armies  were 
maintained  and  the  struggle  continued. 
And,  when  it  ended,  they  had  not  even  the 
widow's  mite  with  which  to  buy  in  the  mar- 
kets of  the  world,  but  only  trunks  and 
baskets  full  of  sleazy  paper  as  vouchers  for 
a  small  part  of  the  money  losses. 

In  whatever  aspect  we  consider  it,  the 
bigness,  the  incomparable  bigness  of  this 
War,  overtops  every  other  in  History. 
Never  before  had  three  and  a  half  million 
soldiers  been  in  battle  array, — and  if  we 
turn  to  the  battle  fields  and  realize  that  the 
killed  in  both  armies  amounted  to  a  half 
million;  that  besides,  a  million  men  were 
wounded  or  disabled;  that  only  one  of 
every  three  that  went  from  the  South  re- 
turned home  sound  in  limb  and  body,  we 
are  tempted  to  weep  that  they  poured  forth 
so  lavish  a  libation  of  courageous  en- 
durance,— not   once,    but    in    innumerable 


instances  surpassing  that  most  famous  and 
reckless  charge  of  the  Light  Brigade,  where 
forty-nine  out  of  every  hundred  were  left 
on  the  field.  For  in  our  War,  75  Regi- 
ments of  the  Confederacy,  and  an  equal 
number  in  the  Federal  army,  showed 
heavier  losses  than  that  of  the  Six  Hun- 
dred at  Balaklava.  And  thirty  regiments 
left  sixty  per  cent. — no,  let  us  not  say  per 
cent.,  but  rather  that  out  of  each  hundred, 
sixty  dead  and  wounded  heroes  were  left 
upon  a  soil  sanctified  by  their  blood.  And, 
as  in  the  retort  of  battle,  we  continue  to 
test  manhood  by  the  power  to  do  and  to 
dare,  to  execute  and  to  die,  the  ascending 
mountain  of  our  War's  superiority  over  all 
others  lifts  its  cliff-like  head  at  Cold  Har- 
bor, where  occurred  the  most  stupendous 
and  appalling  loss  of  any  battle  on  earth ; 
and  where,  in  the  space  of  eight  minutes, 
ten  thousand  Federal  soldiers  lay  dead  or 


wounded   before  the   Confederate  fire;   20 
to  the   second,    1,200  to  the   minute. 

A  striking  comparison  between  Gettys- 
burg and  the  other  three  battles  is  that 
Waterloo,  Sadowa  and  Sedan  were,  in  fact, 
decisive;  Waterloo  ended  the  Hundred 
Days  and  the  Campaigns  of  Bonaparte; 
Sadowa  ended  the  Seven  Weeks  War  be- 
tween Austria  and  Prussia;  Sedan  prac- 
tically terminated  the  Franco- Prussian  War 
of  five  months,  and  allowed  the  Germans 
to  march  from  the  Rhine  to  Paris.  But 
Gettysburg,  while  in  a  sense  decisive,  was 
more  than  two  years  from  Appomatox. 
Within  the  same  week,  Gettysburg  was 
lost  on  the  North  and  Vicksburg  on  the 
South.  According  to  all  the  rules  of  War, 
this  foretold  the  end,  and  by  any  other 
people  would  have  been  treated  as  final, 
and  yet,  with  an  unparalleled  tenacity  of 
purpose  and  a  spirit  wholly  unconquered, 


the  fight  was  kept  up  with  undiminished 
vigor.  Against  odds  daily  increasing,  and 
with  the  certainty  of  ultimate  defeat  staring 
them  in  the  face,  the  struggle  was  main- 
tained. Hopeless  but  determined,  hungry 
but  cheerful ;  ragged  but  undismayed,  the 
Confederates  fought  on. 

It  was  here  that  their  greatest  triumph  was 
won.  Many  men  fight  gallantly  when  the 
reward  seems  certain ;  most  men  are  heroes 
when  flushed  and  giddy  with  the  wine  of 
success,  but  to  follow  a  forlorn  hope,  to  face 
certain  defeat,  this,  after  all  is  said,  is  the 
final  test  of  heroism.  When  we  remember 
the  brave  deeds  of  old,  it  is  not  of  victories 
we  think.  It  is  the  retreat  of  the  Ten 
Thousand  ;  the  Spartans  at  Thermopylae ; 
the  Charge  of  the  Light  Brigade ;  the  Battle 
of  Bunker  Hill ;  Pickett's  Charge  at  Gettys- 
burg,— that  stir  the  blood  and  make  us 
proud  that  our  humanity  is  capable  of  such 
heroic  sacrifice. 


23 


Cold  indeed  must  be  the  nature  that  can 
study  the  story  of  these  four  years  and  read 
the  list  of  terrific  and  awful  battles  following 
the  defeat  of  Gettysburg,  which  does  not 
thrill  with  pride  at  the  indomitable  courage 
displayed  by  these  tattered  and  hungry 
Americans.  It  is  only  the  element  of  pa- 
triotic courage  and  noble  sacrifice  that 
relieve  war  from  being  mere  butchery  and 
degradation.  If  anything  can  light  up  a 
field  strewn  with  dead  and  dying ;  if  any- 
thing can  still  the  horror  of  the  moans  of 
the  wounded  and  gasps  of  the  expiring  it 
is  the  contemplation  of  the  lofty  spirit  that 
filled  those  who  fell.  The  cold  and  dispas- 
sionate historian  of  the  future  will  find  his 
nerves  tingle  and  his  pen  kindle  with  un- 
wonted fire,  as  he  describes  the  heroism  and 
devotion  of  these  four  years.  Those  who 
fought  against  these  men  must  feel  that 
it  is    their    supremest   triumph    that    they 


overcame  such  foes, — for  no  louder  paean 
can  be  heralded  for  the  victor  than  that  he 
was  able  to  defeat  those  of  his  own  race, 
exhibiting  such  qualities  of  heroic  manhood 
as  the  Southern  soldier  of  1860-65.  Great 
as  was  the  skill  in  battle  of  those  who  com- 
manded, it  was  not  that  which  protracted 
the  struggle,  but  the  stern  and  unswerving 
courage  of  those  who  carried  the  musket, 
stormed  the  breastworks,  repelled  the  charge, 
and  endured  the  privations  of  those  awful 
days.  But  they  who  died  were  not  the 
only  heroes.  Those  who  survived  and  took 
up  the  burden  of  defeat  exhibited  the  same 
characteristics.  When  they  returned  to  the 
upheaval  and  disorder  left  as  an  aftermath 
of  the  War,  and  faced  the  new  and  untried 
conditions,  there  was  room  to  manifest  the 
same  spirit  of  courageous  endurance  as  on 
the  tented  field.  Once  before,  when  an  army 
of  our  blood  had  disbanded,  it   had  been 


said  that  wherever  you  found  a  man  noted 
above  his  fellows  and  inquired  who  he  was, 
the  answer  always  came  back  that  he  was 
one  of  Cromwell's  Ironsides, — and  para- 
phrasing what  Macauley  has  written,  we 
too  may  say  that,  as  we  look  back  over  the 
intervening  years  of  peace,  the  prominent 
figures  on  both  sides  are  Survivors.  The 
most  successful  farmers,  the  best  mechan- 
ics, the  leaders  in  commerce  and  trade,  at 
the  Bar  and  on  the  Bench,  the  leaders  in 
every  vocation,  had  been  trained  in  that 
marvelous  school  of  War, — and  if,  at  one 
time,  it  happened  that  the  Confederate  Col- 
onel was  noted  for  numbers  in  the  Halls  of 
Congress,  it  was  not  an  accident,  nor  the 
mere  favoritism  of  politics.  Leaders  in 
public  and  in  private  life  come  from  those 
best  trained. 

All  of  our  theories  of  education  would 
fail  if  we  concluded  that  the  type  of  men 


who  first  won  the  victories,  and  were  then 
even  more  victorous  in  defeat,  were  an  acci- 
dent. Exceptional  in  their  achievements, 
they  must  have  been  the  product  of  excep- 
tional causes.  Trained  in  an  unusual  school, 
they  were  the  product  of  special  conditions, 
obtaining  partly  at  the  North,  but  to  a 
greater  degree  at  the  South.  For  a  gen- 
eration before  the  War,  great  issues  had 
been  discussed.  Upon  the  hustings  and 
around  every  man's  fireside,  men  probed  to 
the  bottom  the  rights  of  the  central  Govern- 
ment, the  rights  of  the  States,  the  rights  of 
property,  and  the  rights  of  man.  High 
thinking  had  unconsciously  been  fitting 
them  for  high  living.  The  greatness  of 
the  questions  discussed  enlarged  the  mind 
and  stimulated  the  spirit;  it  elevated 
that  generation  above  the  condition  of 
those  who  only  think  on  small  things ;  it 
gave  them  a  moral  fibre  stronger  than  can 


come  to  those  who  live  only  in  prosper- 
ous and  piping  times  of  peace. 

Another  peculiarity  of  the  Confederate 
soldier,  as  also  of  the  Revolutionary  soldier, 
is  that,  in  the  main,  he  was  the  product  of 
life  in  the  Country.  The  South  had  no 
great  cities.  The  army  of  the  Confederacy 
was  recruited  from  the  ranks  of  men  who 
had  lived  the  independent,  self-centered,  re- 
sourceful life  of  the  Southern  planter.  He 
was  an  autocrat  and  knew  how  to  com- 
mand, but  in  learning  that  lesson,  he  had 
learned  also  how  to  obey.  He  demon- 
strated the  value  of  the  individual,  and 
showed  that  a  man  trained  in  such  a  school 
can  almost  at  a  moment's  notice  be  conver- 
ted into  a  soldier,  without  the  necessity  for 
long  enlistment,  and  the  tedious  training  in 
a  standing  army.  It  was  the  trained  man- 
hood which  made  the  soldier,  and  not  the 
manual  of  arms. 


It  is  in  unconscious  recognition  of  this 
fact  that  the  private  soldier  lives  as  the 
Hero  of  the  Confederacy.  Many  of  them 
rose  from  the  ranks  to  become  Generals; 
many  of  them,  without  previous  training, 
went  from  peaceful  homes  to  gloriously 
command  large  bodies ;  and  while  no  army 
ever  had  greater  officers,  no  officers  ever 
led  better  men.  While  there  are  monu- 
ments rich  and  precious  to  the  leaders,  and 
here  and  there  one  to  mark  a  battle-field, 
everywhere  is  the  shaft  to  commemorate 
the  private  soldier.  Sometimes  those  from 
a  particular  village ;  sometimes  those  from 
a  county ;  sometimes  those  from  a  special 
city ;  sometimes  one  with  your  own  pathetic 
inscription,  "To  the  Unknown  Dead" — 
still  everywhere  they  rise  to  the  memory 
and  the  fame  of  the  Private  Soldier. 

We  desire  to  preserve  the  memory 
of  their    devotion,   sacrifice   and   bravery. 


Erecting  monuments  and  hallowing  these 
Memorial  Days,  is  meet  and  proper.  It  is 
honorable  to  the  living,  and  honoring  to 
the  dead.  But  we  must  not  stop  with 
marble  shafts,  nor  with  wreaths  of  flowers. 
Our  truest  tribute  to  the  Confederate  Soldier 
is  to  follow  his  example  in  performing  the 
duty  that  lies  next  to  us  in  the  public  serv- 
ice. We  hear  to-day  no  blast  trumpeting 
us  to  arms;  but  we  are  confronted  with 
social  dangers  and  deep  problems  calling 
for  our  best  endeavors;  problems  with 
which  Legislatures  are  powerless  to  deal, 
and  which  can  only  be  solved  by  the  long 
drawn  out  patience  of  years  and  the  har- 
monious action  of  our  people. 

The  Cause  for  which  the  Confederate 
fought  is  lost.  No  War  ever  settled 
weightier  or  more  tremendous  issues  than 
those  decided  at  Appomatox.  With  a  pen 
dipped  in  blood,  it  was  written  that  never 


again  in  this  land  shall  human  beings  be 
bought  and  sold;  and,  as  irrevocably,  it 
was  decreed  that  this  is  an  indestructible 
union  of  indestructible  States.  To  a  rec- 
ognition of  these  decrees  the  Confederate 
soldier  gave  his  parol,  and  pledged  himself 
by  every  rule  of  law  and  honor  to  abide  by 
the  results  of  the  appeal  to  arms.  Faith- 
fully has  he  kept  it.  Faithfully  have  the 
Southern  people  lived  up  to  that  plighted 
word, — so  faithfully  indeed  that  it  borders 
on  impropriety  to  discuss  it.  In  England 
the  rancors  of  the  Wars  of  the  Roses,  the 
feeling  between  Cavalier  and  Roundhead, 
had  not  died  out  in  a  hundred  years ;  the 
animosity  engendered  by  the  Revolution  of 
1 688  was  followed  by  more  than  fifty  years 
of  plottings,  insurrections  and  warlike  ef- 
forts to  restore  the  Pretenders, — while  here 
the  greatest  triumph  which  the  Southern 
people  have  made  is  the  manner  in  which 


31 


they  have  kept  the  pledge.  Completely 
have  they  put  behind  them  the  issues  set- 
tled by  the  War,  and  with  a  "  cordial  and 
self-respecting  loyalty"  taken  again  their 
place  in  the  family  of  States.  Perhaps 
never  before,  in  the  history  of  any  people, 
has  the  bitterness  of  a  great  struggle  been 
so  nearly  obliterated  and  so  speedy  an  ad- 
justment to  new  conditions  made. 

The  War  settled  the  extreme  and  out- 
lying boundaries  of  great  doctrines,  but  it 
left  undetermined  many  problems  within 
those  limits.  It  adjudged  against  the  rjght 
of  Secession,  but  it  left  undefined  the 
boundary  line  between  centralization  and 
States  Rights.  The  centripetal  and  centrif- 
ugal forces  are  still  operative,  and  the  pen- 
dulum still  oscillates  back  and  forth. 

It  settled  the  matter  of  Slavery,  but  it 
did  not  adjust  the  question  of  Race.  It 
modified  that  problem,  but  did  not  solve  it. 


What  that  question  lost  in  intensity,  it 
gained  in  complexity. 

Neither  the  North  nor  the  South  were 
responsible  for  this  problem.  The  Slave 
trade  began  under  the  auspices  of  the  Brit- 
ish Government  at  a  time  when  it  was  a 
matter  of  course.  Men  at  the  North  bought 
and  sold;  men  at  the  South  bought  and 
used.  So  feebly  had  Slavery  taken  root 
at  the  North,  where  conditions  were  un- 
favorable for  its  spread,  that  the  issue  could 
be  easily  dealt  with  when  the  Race  Problem 
began  to  loom  dark  and  threatening.  In 
the  language  of  Mr.  Beecher  they  could 
"pull  up  their  poisonous  weeds,"  but  so 
numerous  were  the  slaves  in  the  South 
that  we  could  not  separate  the  tares  from 
the  wheat,  and  the  problem  remained  to 
grow, — and  to  vex  as  it  grew. 

In  nothing  is  the  fastness  of  this  age 
better  illustrated  than  in  the  rapidity  with 


33 


which  we  have  travelled  away  from  ancient 
orders  of  things.  We  think  of  Slavery  in 
modern  times  as  peculiar  to  the  South,  but 
the  first  speech  Gladstone  ever  made  in 
Parliament  was  in  the  interest  of  his  father 
and  other  Englishmen  who  owned  slaves 
in  the  West  Indies.  There  are,  no  doubt, 
old  men  living  to-day  in  Austria  who  were 
born  in  slavery, — white  slavery ;  and  mil- 
lions in  Russia,  with  blue  eyes  and  yellow 
hair,  started  for  the  goal  of  freedom  in 
1 86 1,  abreast  of  the  dark-skinned  slave  in 
America.  These  things  were  but  as  yes- 
terday. In  the  order  of  time,  a  few  men 
will  be  living  on  this  Continent  in  the  year 
1950  who  were  slave-owners,  and  nearby 
will  dwell  those  who  were  born  in  slavery. 
How  short,  then,  in  the  life  of  a  nation,  is 
it  back  to  the  Proclamation  of  Emancipa- 
tion,— less  than  forty  years,  less  than  the 
span  of  a  life,  barely  half  of  four  score  years 


and  ten.  In  a  period  so  short,  how  im- 
possible to  expect  the  hereditary  tenden- 
cies and  influences  of  centuries  to  be 
reversed. 

The  serfs  of  Austria  and  Russia  were  of 
one  blood  with  their  masters.  By  a  ty- 
rant's hand  they  had  been  held  down,  and 
in  the  years  following  their  emancipation 
they  had  to  outgrow  the  degradation  which 
slavery  entailed,  notwithstanding  which  the 
hopes  of  those  who  secured  the  freedom  of 
the  Russian  serf  have  failed  of  fruition,  and 
his  uplift  is  still  a  prophecy  and  not  a  ful- 
fillment. 

But  how  essentially  different  is  the  Amer- 
ican question.  When  the  ancestor  of  the 
Russian  serf  had  reached  a  point  where  he 
was  entitled  to  the  rights  of  a  civilized  free- 
man, the  African  was  a  wild  and  untutored 
savage.  As  savages,  under  the  express 
provision  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 


States,  they  could  be  brought  from  the 
Dark  Continent  to  these  free  shores  as  late 
as  1808.  He  reached  our  land  a  savage, 
and  the  slavery  that  was  for  the  serf  a  deg- 
radation, was  for  him  an  education.  How 
well  those  who  trained  him  in  this  school 
discharged  their  task,  I  can  best  describe 
in  the  language  of  a  gifted  woman  of  South 
Carolina: 

"They  had  to  train  and  teach  a  race  of 
M  savages  who  had  never  known  even  the 
"  rudiments  of  decency,  civilization  or  re- 
11  ligion  ;  a  race  which,  despite  the  labors  of 
"colonists  and  missionaries,  remains  in 
"Africa  to-day  as  it  was  a  thousand  years 
"ago;  but  a  race,  which,  influenced  by 
"  these  lives,  taught  by  these  Southern 
"people  for  six  generations,  proved  in  the 
"  day  of  trial  the  most  faithful,  the  most 
"devoted  of  servants;"  and  in  1863, 
over  our  remonstrances  and  protests,  was 

36 


declared  by  others  to  be  even  worthy  of 
full  civil  and  political  rights. 

The  effect  of  emancipation  upon  the 
slave  seems  to  have  been  rarely  considered 
before  the  War.  In  reading  the  utterances 
of  the  leaders  on  both  sides,  one  is  im- 
pressed with  their  lack  of  forecast  as  to 
this  question.  The  Southerner  regarded 
emancipation  as  a  dream,  and  hardly  ever 
alluded  to  its  effect  upon  the  negro  or  upon 
society.  On  the  other  hand,  those  who 
stood  for  abolition,  seemed  to  think  that 
Freedom  was  a  cure-all  and  that  as  soon 
as  slavery  was  abolished,  the  African  would 
not  only  be  the  white  man's  peer  before  the 
law,  but  his  equal  in  attainments  and  pos- 
sibilities. 

And  so  he  was  freed  from  his  master, 
without  being  freed  from  the  burdens  of 
heredity,  ignorance  and  racial  disabilities. 
What  an  appalling  problem  to  have  such  a 


37 


stream  injected  into  the  current  of  our 
national  life !  Among  us,  not  of  us.  For- 
eign in  race  and  origin.  Here  against  his 
choice  and  without  our  responsibility. 
Would  that  the  War,  in  settling  other  mo- 
mentous issues,  had  likewise  settled  this. 

It  is  the  fate  of  the  South  to  face  the 
same  social  and  political  questions  that  con- 
front every  other  section  of  the  country.  It 
is  her  supreme  misfortune  to  have,  in  ad- 
dition, this  race  problem,  which  confronts 
no  other  section.  But  the  issue  is  here, — 
the  task  has  been  imposed,  and  it  is  for 
this  generation  to  contribute,  as  far  as  it 
may,  to  its  wise  and  humane  settlement. 

Enough  of  the  feeling  engendered  by 
the  War  remains  to  make  it  impossible  for 
us  to  be  perfectly  understood  in  this  mat- 
ter. But  the  time  must  come, — I  think  it  is 
rapidly  coming, — when  we  shall  receive  the 
sympathy  of  the  entire  nation  in  our  effort 


to  deal  with  this  issue.  How  remote  the 
apparent  connection  between  our  problem 
and  Porto  Rico,  the  Philippines  and  Ha- 
waii. And  yet,  just  there  lie  the  facts  which 
make  the  Race  question  National  instead 
of  Sectional.  History  is  quickly  repeating 
itself.  Without  realizing  it,  Northern  men 
charged  with  the  duty  of  dealing  with  these 
newly  acquired  and  alien  races,  find  them- 
selves confronted  with  the  identical  diffi- 
culty existing  here  in  the  South.  Their 
speeches  justifying  their  policy  read  as 
though  uttered  by  Southern  lips,  and  fore- 
tell the  day  when  our  fellow  citizens  of  the 
North  will  be  able  to  take  a  more  sympa- 
thetic view  of  the  Race  question  at  the 
South. 

In  nothing  have  the  principles  of  self- 
government  inculcated  in  the  American 
people  manifested  themselves  better  than 
this  adjustment  of  the  relations  between  the 


Whites  and  Blacks.  Similar  cases  else- 
where have  resulted  not  in  sporadic  cases 
of  cruelty  and  riot  and  disorder,  such  as 
occasionally  manifest  themselves  here,  to 
the  mortification  of  every  good  citizen, — 
but  where  conditions  like  these  have  existed 
between  other  people,  it  has  meant  war  to 
the  knife,  revolution  and  extermination. 
Look  at  the  Haytian  Revolution,  the  Ex- 
clusion of  the  Chinese,  the  almost  complete 
extermination  of  the  Indians,  the  absolute 
extermination  of  the  Moors  by  the  Span- 
iards. The  percentage  of  violence  against 
the  negro  on  account  of  race  is  less  in  the 
South  than  it  is  in  the  North,  and  the  Con- 
federate soldier  fought  as  much  in  vindica- 
tion of  his  treatment  of  the  negro,  as  for 
any  other  of  the  many  nameless  factors 
which  brought  on  the  War.  The  South 
was  accused  of  being  a  cruel  and  relentless 
slave-owner.       He  answered  Uncle  Tom's 


4o 


Cabin  with  the  frank  admission  that  there 
were,  here  and  there,  cruel  masters,  as  there 
were  in  every  nation  cruel  employers,  but 
that,  while  it  might  be  an  anachronism,  as 
a  whole,  the  South  rendered  the  institution 
of  slavery  patriarchal.  And  now,  such  is 
the  general  kindliness  that  the  problem  is 
is  not  so  much  the  relation  between  the 
Whites  and  the  Blacks, — although  that  is 
not  without  its  difficulties  and  dangers, — 
but,  rather,  what  is  to  be  the  effect  of  the 
negro  upon  our  civilization  ?  How  is  he  to 
be  uplifted  to  a  point  where  he  can  proper- 
ly discharge  the  duties  of  citizenship?  How 
are  his  racial  disabilities  to  be  overcome, 
so  that  he  may  not  always  be  a  weight 
upon  the  body  politic? 

We  think  that  education  is  a  cause.  We 
forget  that  cause  and  effect  in  this  regard 
are  not  at  the  opposite  ends  of  a  straight 
line,  but  that  they  lie  in  a  circle,  so  that  it 


is  often  impossible  to  tell  where  cause  ends 
and  effect  begins.  The  most  cultured  peo- 
ple have  the  best  schools,  but  the  best 
schools  do  not  always  produce  the  most 
cultured  people.  Illiteracy  is  both  an  effect 
and  a  cause ;  it  feeds  upon  its  own  products. 
Illiterates  do  not  establish  schools,  nor  are 
they  willing  to  attend  them;  the  illiterate 
must  first  be  trained  up  to  the  point  where 
he  is  prepared  for  schools ;  he  must  be 
trained  in  industry,  in  agriculture,  and  in 
intelligent  cultivation  of  the  soil.  If  there 
is  any  one  particular  in  which  the  South 
must  plead  guilty,  it  is  not  that  she  has  re- 
sisted its  enforcement,  but  the  Proclamation 
of  Emancipation  has  been  taken  too  literally. 
The  negro  has  been  given  not  only  free- 
dom but  license.  He  can  only  be  elevated 
by  education, — not  the  mere  education  of 
books,  but  the  education  that  comes  from 
contact     with     the    superior     mind,     that 


comes  from  direction  in  the  affairs  of  life. 
Being  free  to  go  he  has  gone  to  himself 
and  we  have  not  hindered  him. 

And  just  here  is  the  point  at  which  we 
are  wanting,  both  to  our  ancestors  and  to 
our  posterity.  In  many  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, the  land,  to  a  large  extent,  has  been 
turned  over  to  the  freedman.  He  is  allowed 
to  farm  as  he  sees  fit ;  to  waste  the  resources 
of  the  soil ;  to  skim  over  large  areas,  instead 
of  being  required  by  the  owner  to  plant  the 
proper  crop,  to  improve  the  land,  and  to 
till  in  a  husband-like  manner,  as  is  demand- 
ed of  every  tenant  in  England,  Scotland, 
and  Germany,  and  in  the  Northern  and 
Western  States.  No  landowner  on  the 
face  of  the  earth  would  permit  an  ignorant 
tenant  the  destructive  and  awful  license  the 
Southern  landowner  gives  to  the  negro. 

There  is  a  much  abused  word  which  the 
story-teller  has  made  odious.     The  "land- 


43 


lord"  has  become  the  synonym  of  heart- 
lessness.  But  what  a  splendid  word  it  is 
in  its  real  meaning.  "  Lord  of  the  Land," 
and,  as  lord,  noblesse  oblige,  charged  with 
the  duty  of  direction  as  well  as  of  collec- 
tion; bound  to  assist  his  tenant  with  in- 
structions and  kindly  advice;  bound  to  see 
that  the  land  which  he  received  as  an  in- 
heritance from  his  father, %  shall  be  trans- 
mitted as  a  heritage  of  equal  value  to  his 
children.  The  relation  between  tenant  and 
such  a  lord  of  the  land  is  mutually  advan- 
tageous,— the  tenant  improving  his  own 
condition  and  that  of  the  land,  increasing 
his  crops,  helped  by  the  advice  and  strength- 
ened by  the  kindness  of  the  owner,  and  the 
landlord  receiving  the  rents,  improving  the 
land,  to  the  benefit  of  himself  and  his  chil- 
dren after  him. 

Here  lies  a  homely  solution  of  the  Race 
problem.     In  its  successful  application  will 


be  found  the  solution  of  many  social  troub- 
les. It  will  elevate  the  negro  and  multiply 
the  resources  of  the  land.  It  will  tend  to 
wipe  out  the  stain  of  illiteracy.  It  will  en- 
able us  to  appear  better  in  the  great  math- 
ematical and  statistical  standards  by  which 
everything  is  measured,  to  our  present  dis- 
advantage. It  will  make  our  percentage 
appear  better.  As  it  is,  the  injection  of  the 
negro  as  a  divisor  in  long  division  con- 
stantly reduces  our  average,  for  he  is  a 
divisor,  but  not  an  equal  multiplicand.  He 
makes  us  appear  in  all  the  tables,  worse 
than  we  are.  In  the  eyes  of  the  world,  we 
share  his  poverty.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  he  makes  us  appear  illiterate.  If  we 
would  direct  his  labor,  it  will  be  the  better- 
ment of  all  concerned. 

It  was  the  tremendous  and  weighty  say- 
ing of  Michelet  that  "  History  is  the  resur- 
rection of  the  dead."       And  if,  in  the  spirit 


45 


we  have  invoked,  we  can  reverently  imagine 
our  dead,  as  clothing  themselves  with  the 
gray,  shouldering  again  the  musket,  gath- 
ering under  their  immortal  leaders,  and 
marching  through  the  land  for  which  they 
died,  and  if,  with  uncovered  heads,  we 
should  stand  before  them  to  render  an  ac- 
count of  our  stewardship,  I  can  imagine 
they  would  hold  us  responsible  before  the 
Bar  of  Patriotism  for  what  we  have  done 
to  the  land  which  they  had  enriched  with 
their  blood  and  consecrated  with  their 
lives.  They  would  ask:  Where  are  the 
stately  mansions  and  the  smiling  fields ; 
where  are  the  forests  and  the  clear  running 
streams?  And  if,  with  pride,  we  pointed  to 
cities  more  magnificent  than  any  they  had 
left,  to  palaces  crowding  the  streets,  and 
to  buildings  challenging  the  sky,  to  busy 
factories  and  to  glowing  furnaces,  they 
would  make  answer  that  these  we  ought  to 

46 


have  done,  and  not  to  have  left  the  other 
undone ;  they  would  not  accept  our  excuse 
that  their  defeat  had  made  forever  perma- 
nent the  bleakness  throughout  the  country; 
they  would  tell  us  that  a  generation  is  a 
time  within  which,  even  as  to  the  industrial 
effects  of  War,  the  bar  of  the  Statute  of 
Limitations  must  be  interposed;  that  no 
people  could  be  prosperous  or  happy  if  the 
soil  be  neglected ;  and  as  a  normal  country 
life  made  them,  the  lack  of  it  might  un- 
make us. 

With  beat  of  drum  and  blare  of  trumpet, 
they  do  not  call  us  to  march  from  our 
homes  to  battle  against  distant  forces,  but, 
with  silent  and  impressive  finger,  they  point 
to  the  more  intangible,  more  difficult,  the 
more  continuous  and  persistent  dangers  that 
lie  at  our  very  door.  With  imperious  voice, 
they  summon  us  to  fight  against  ignorance, 
and  to  beat  back  the  rising  tide  of  illiteracy. 


47 


They  charge  us  to  diversify  our  products 
and  to  keep  step  to  the  great  industrial 
march  of  the  age. 

Can  we  not  heed  their  lesson?  Can  we 
not  see  that  not  only  in  the  midst  of  shot 
and  shell,  but  in  shop  and  store,  in  school 
or  at  home,  in  the  field  white  with  cotton, 
or  rank  with  rustling  corn,  we  can  serve 
our  day  and  Country?  For  always  and 
everywhere,  Patriotism  is  but  one  of  the 
many  names  of  Duty. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 

Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


LD  21A-60m-7,'66 
(G4427sl0)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


